As
a child, one of my favorite holidays was Halloween. Before I proceed, I must
note that I am writing based on my observations that took place in America, for
that country is the subject of this paper. Though my interest in this
celebration gradually declined as I became older, it has just been reignited. This
sudden resurgence of interest was not for the sake of nostalgia, nor was it even
for a revival of my past youthful ways; it was due to my new approach. Rather
than participating in Halloween like I had in the past, I decided to play the
role of the observer for the first time, and that is how my interest in this
holiday became sparked. With a recently acquired anthropological lens, I paid
specific attention to the activity of “trick-or-treating.” This anthropological
lens, which is based on the ideas of Karl Marx and Clifford Geertz, is what I
will use to analyze the observations that I made. Having that in mind, I will
first analyze trick-or-treating from a Marxist perspective, and then I will
follow with a separate analysis from a Geertzian perspective.
Before I jump into my two-part analysis, I will first describe my method of observation. The location of the Halloween event was Berkeley, California. The date was October 31, 2012. My observation began around 6PM and ended around 10PM. I roamed around Russell Street, making this street the primary site of my observation. I will once again note that I did not participate in trick-or-treating. I did not conduct any interviews, or even engage in any form of interaction with the trick-or-treaters. I limited my activity to strict and close observation, and I tried to be as mobile as possible. By constantly changing locations within Russell Street, I was able to observe more people than I would have if I stayed in one location. It is important to note that the trick-or-treating process itself was two-sided. Not only did it involve those who collected candy, but it also involved those who gave candy. The interactions that took place, between and among these collectors and receivers, are what I observed. With those details set forth, I will now move on to the first segment of my analysis. Under a Marxist perspective, the various interactions among collectors and givers that take place - which are an integral part of trick-or-treating - are reflections of capitalism, and are thus subject to critique.
The first interaction that I observed was competitive accumulation. Those who were collecting candy were attempting to collect more candy than others. Candy collectors often bragged to other candy collectors about how much candy they had, but more importantly, how much more candy that they had. At sites where candy was distributed, candy collectors attempted to obtain as much candy as possible, without a concern for what the intricacies of each candy were. Sheer amount and volume - as opposed to quality - was enough to appease these candy collectors. Their heist for candy sometimes even prevented other collectors from being able to receive any candy at all. The acts of deliberately garnering as much candy as possible, garnering more candy than others, and garnering candy in a way that hinders other people from garnering candy, are together a reflection of capitalism; candy is a symbol for wealth. By collectors competing to acquire candy, they embody the capitalist values of mass accumulation, and individual self-interest. Marx would likely criticize this as a practice that pits the younger generations – who make up the majority of candy collectors – into the capitalistic system.
The second interaction that I
observed was the facilitation of the candy distribution process. The subjects
of these interactions are the candy givers, since they are the ones who
distribute the candy to the candy collectors. I noticed a trend among many
candy givers, and this trend lies in a common type of candy that they had given
out. This common type was candy that was small and plentiful. An example of
this type would be tootsie rolls. By having lots of small candy, candy givers
can save money since they will have enough candy to last many collectors, including
the competitive ones that are on a heist. Some givers even limited each
collector to one small piece, thus minimizing their distribution. These same givers also tended to treat the
distribution process like a factory line. Candy was given out as fast as
possible, and communication was rote and repetitive (i.e. the same greetings
and expressions were repeated)[1].
These methods of efficiency, saving, and minimizing, are direct and fundamental capitalist practices. To
some extent, Marx would likely criticize these aims as dehumanizing to both the
collectors and givers because human interaction is weakened and displaced.
The last interaction that I observed was the commodity fetishized trading of candy. Candy is a commodity, and Marx notes that a commodity is “a mysterious thing, simply because in it the social character of men’s labour appears to them as an objective product stamped upon the product of that labour” (Marx 1978: 320). And as soon commodities are exchanged or traded, “we equate as values our different products, [and] by that very act, we also equate, as human labour, the different kinds of labour expended upon them” (Marx 1978: 322). These two ideas are the foundation of commodity fetishism: the idea that the perceived market value of a commodity appears to be inherent, and that as a result, the labor that went into the commodity’s production becomes forgotten and obscured, especially during a trade. Again, the commodity in question here is candy. When collectors were trading candy with each other, they often based their trades on how much they thought each candy was worth in real money value[2]. Collectors shared an underlying concern for fair and equal value trades. Some candies even had price tags on them; this made it easier for collectors to compare the ‘value’ of each candy, and furthermore, engage in trades based on these ascertained values. By exchanging candies purely based on their determined or perceived real money value, the different and specific types of labor that went into each candy are overshadowed and lost. The human aspect of production becomes disconnected from the final product – candy. Similarly, the special characteristics of each candy (e.g. shape, color, taste), which are the results of different and specific forms of labor, also become discounted. If candy is again taken to be a symbol for wealth, this style of trade reflects the capitalist ideals of striving to preserve wealth and following the market forces, both which underlay the commodity fetishism of candy. Marx would probably critique this style of trade as yet another mechanism that pits the younger generations into the capitalistic system.
I will now proceed onward to the second segment of my analysis. For this segment, I will adopt a Geertzian perspective by using his style of interpretive anthropology. The following passage by Geertz captures the core of his style:
The last interaction that I observed was the commodity fetishized trading of candy. Candy is a commodity, and Marx notes that a commodity is “a mysterious thing, simply because in it the social character of men’s labour appears to them as an objective product stamped upon the product of that labour” (Marx 1978: 320). And as soon commodities are exchanged or traded, “we equate as values our different products, [and] by that very act, we also equate, as human labour, the different kinds of labour expended upon them” (Marx 1978: 322). These two ideas are the foundation of commodity fetishism: the idea that the perceived market value of a commodity appears to be inherent, and that as a result, the labor that went into the commodity’s production becomes forgotten and obscured, especially during a trade. Again, the commodity in question here is candy. When collectors were trading candy with each other, they often based their trades on how much they thought each candy was worth in real money value[2]. Collectors shared an underlying concern for fair and equal value trades. Some candies even had price tags on them; this made it easier for collectors to compare the ‘value’ of each candy, and furthermore, engage in trades based on these ascertained values. By exchanging candies purely based on their determined or perceived real money value, the different and specific types of labor that went into each candy are overshadowed and lost. The human aspect of production becomes disconnected from the final product – candy. Similarly, the special characteristics of each candy (e.g. shape, color, taste), which are the results of different and specific forms of labor, also become discounted. If candy is again taken to be a symbol for wealth, this style of trade reflects the capitalist ideals of striving to preserve wealth and following the market forces, both which underlay the commodity fetishism of candy. Marx would probably critique this style of trade as yet another mechanism that pits the younger generations into the capitalistic system.
I will now proceed onward to the second segment of my analysis. For this segment, I will adopt a Geertzian perspective by using his style of interpretive anthropology. The following passage by Geertz captures the core of his style:
The culture of people is an ensemble of texts,
themselves ensembles, which the anthropologist strains to read over the
shoulders of those to whom they properly belong. There are enormous
difficulties in such an enterprise...but to regard such forms as “saying
something of something” and saying it to somebody, is at least to open up the
possibility of an analysis which attends to their substance (Geertz 1972: 29).
I
plan to use this style by examining trick-or-treating like a text: a text that
stands alone as one text out of a plethora of texts, and a text that can be
deeply analyzed by uncovering hidden symbolism. However, I will not engage in
reading “over shoulders” or meta-meta social commentary as Geertz would
normally do. I will only analyze my aloof observations. By doing this, I still hope
to emulate Geertz style: “As in more familiar exercises in close reading, one
can start anywhere in a culture’s repertoire of forms and end up anywhere else”
(Geertz 1972: 29). Using this as my motivation, I will now leave the topic of
candy and capitalism and move on to the topic of costumes.
In addition to collecting and giving candy, there exists another crucial aspect of trick-or-treating: wearing costumes. Costumes attempt to model the appearance of some fictional or non-fictional character, object, or idea. The possibilities of what costume one can wear are almost infinite. But the specific costume the trick-or-treater wears is less important than what the costume enables the wearer to do. Wearing a costume allows the trick-or-treater to take on an external identity - an identity that is different from the one he or she has every other day of the year. Some of my observations depict this concept. At one moment, I noticed a squad of trick-or-treaters - disguised as the Avengers - targeting another trick-or-treater disguised as Loki[3]. At another moment, I noticed a disguised ninja who was attempting to perform martial arts, even in crowded spaces. I also noticed a disguised Harry Potter who was waving his wand at other trick-or-treaters and shouting chants, all in attempt to produce some sort of magical effect. In all of these examples, the trick-or-treaters were taking on the identity of the character they were disguised as - an identity that is different from their own identity and is therefore external. Having established that costumes allow trick-or-treaters to take on an external identity, I will next suggest a relevant symbol.
The behavior displayed by trick-or-treaters - in their external identity - reflects family dynamics and points to symbolism. It is important to again note that the majority of trick-or-treaters are kids, who are normally subject to their parents’ authority. But on Halloween day, this dynamic changes. Kids take on the identity of their costume, and leave behind the identity that they normally have every other day. No longer are they mere subjects of their parents. Their external identity entitles them to engage in an independence and freedom that they do not normally have. Their rush to gather and trade candy is an effort purely driven by them, and not their parents. The fact that the givers are mostly parents shows that the parents themselves endorse the project of trick-or-treating. But even the non-giving parents appear locked to following their masked child’s bustling ambition to “trick-or-treat.” It as if power has shifted from the parents to the children, and the family dynamic has been inverted. With the children’s free-willed independence that comes from wearing costumes and gathering candy, and the parents’ endorsements of trick-or-treating and willingness to follow their children’s actions, tricking-or-treating shapes to be a symbol of freedom for children, and a symbol of power inversion for families.
Here marks the end of my two-part analysis. In order to synthesize, it is best to first revisit my original purpose. My purpose was to observe trick-or-treating through an anthropological lens, and then use that same lens to analyze my observations. To do this, I employed the anthropological styles of Karl Marx and Clifford Geertz to create a two-part analysis. In my first segment, I analyzed givers’ and collectors’ interactions with candy from a Marxist perspective. This allowed me to show how these interactions were reflections of capitalism, and furthermore, to apply the idea of commodity fetishism to candy trading. In the second segment, I took on a Geertzian perspective, and utilized his method of interpretive anthropology. Using parts of this method, I analyzed trick-or-treating like a text: I arrived at the idea that costumes allowed wearers to take on an external identity, and at the idea that tricking-or-treating is a symbol of freedom for children and power inversion for families.
References
Geertz,
Clifford. 1972. “Deep play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight.” Daedalus, Vol. 101 (No.1) :
pages 1-37
Marx,
Karl. 1978. The Marx Engels Reader.
New York: W. W. Norton & Company